26 Killed in Borno Bombing Amid Questions Over Who’s Responsible?
By Segun Onibiyo
(Borno State)- The explosion ripped through the noonday silence like a thunderclap. What was left afterward hardly resembled a vehicle only a blackened steel chassis and fragments of bone, shoes, and melted fabric. A pickup van packed with travelers – men, women, and children, was gone in an instant.
“I saw a headless body fly through the air,” said Musa Bukar to TruthNigeria in Hausa via telephone. Muss is a local farmer who was working nearby when the bomb went off. “The screaming stopped quickly. I just ran. I didn’t even look back.”
The blast, triggered by an improvised explosive device (IED) hidden beneath the sand on a dusty road near the village of Furunduma, killed 26 people and wounded three others, according to police. The victims were traveling from Kala-Balge to Gamboru Ngala, two communities in Borno State near the Cameroon border that have long been caught in the crossfire of Nigeria’s grinding insurgency.
Within hours of the attack, the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) claimed responsibility through its Telegram channel, boasting of the carnage. But security experts and residents are asking: was it really ISWAP or Boko Haram?
The Bombing
The attack occurred around noon on Monday, April 28. Police said the vehicle an Isuzu pickup hit the IED just outside Furunduma, a sparsely populated village in Nigeria’s restive northeast.
“The explosion led to the death of 26 persons 16 males, four females, and six children,” said ASP Nahum Daso, spokesman for the Borno State Police Command at a press briefing covered by the national media. “The driver and two other victims sustained injuries and are currently receiving treatment.”
Authorities have since deployed additional patrols in the area, but no arrests have been made.
Just two weeks earlier, a similar explosion tore apart a commercial bus on the Maiduguri–Damboa Road, killing eight people and injuring 11 others. That device was also believed to be planted by insurgents.
Who Was Behind It?
While ISWAP has taken credit for Monday’s bombing, analysts caution that the group often claims attacks for propaganda purposes even when carried out by rival militants.
“This stretch of road has traditionally been under Boko Haram control,” said Dr. Bulama Bukarti, an analyst with the Tony Blair Institute for Global Change told TruthNigeria.
“It’s not unusual for ISWAP to exaggerate its presence or claim responsibility for attacks it didn’t conduct. This may have been Boko Haram or a freelance cell.”
ISWAP and Boko Haram – both offshoots of the original Boko Haram movement have been locked in a brutal rivalry since 2016. ISWAP, which has closer ties to the Islamic State’s global network, operates largely around Lake Chad. Boko Haram, now fragmented and weakened since the death of its leader Abubakar Shekau in 2021, remain active in pockets of Borno State, including Kala-Balge.
“If this bombing really was ISWAP’s work, it could indicate that they’re expanding into what was once Boko Haram territory,” said Amina Dalhatu, a conflict researcher at the West Africa Security Observatory while speaking to TruthNigeria reporter. “Or it might just be an opportunistic claim to maintain relevance.”
By the time residents arrived, the scene was nightmarish.
“The van was just pieces metal, blood, and fire,” said Fatima Usman, a local trader who arrived 30 minutes after the explosion. “One woman was crying, holding her son, but only half of him was there,” she told TruthNigeria by phone.
Among the victims were children, traders, and seasonal workers. Many were making the journey to Gamboru Ngala, a border town where supplies, cash, and employment are more readily available than in remote Kala-Balge.
“They were just trying to survive,” said Ibrahim Goni, a commercial driver who uses the same road. “That’s the worst part anyone could have been on that van.” He told TruthNigeria.
A Broader Message?
To military analysts, the bombing and the public claim, may be more than just a tactical hit. It might be part of a larger strategy to send a message: ISWAP is growing.
“This isn’t just about killing people. It’s about showing dominance,” said retired Nigerian Army Lt Colonel David Oche, now a counterterrorism consultant. “If ISWAP is planting bombs in Kala-Balge, that’s a clear signal they’re moving into new territory.”
And if they are, that could spell trouble not just for civilians but for rival terror groups. Responding questions posed by the TruthNigeria reporter via text, he said, “The danger is, we may see more brutal attacks as Boko Haram tries to push back or reassert itself,” Oche warned.
Others see it as a grim shift in tactics. “ISWAP has historically focused on military targets,” said Dalhatu. “This kind of mass-casualty attack on civilians may suggest internal fractures or desperation.”
The Weapon of Choice
IEDs have long been the insurgents’ most feared weapon in Nigeria’s northeast. Cheap, easy to conceal, and deadly, they are a constant threat to civilians and soldiers alike.
Since 2009, Boko Haram and its affiliates have killed more than 35,000 people and displaced over two million, according to the United Nations. In the last year alone, TruthNigeria has documented more than a dozen fatal roadside bombings across Borno, Adamawa, and Yobe states.
“These bombs paralyze movement,” said a humanitarian aid coordinator in Maiduguri who asked not to be named for security reasons. “Every explosion closes another road. Every death pushes more people into hunger. They live with us. They know us but we live in fear of their heinous activities”
Government Response
President Bola Tinubu condemned the attack, calling it “cowardly and barbaric,” and vowed to “eliminate terrorism in all its forms.” But critics say that response feels familiar, hollow.
“This is not the first time we’ve heard these promises,” said Goni, the driver to TruthNigeria reporter on phone. “But the bombs keep coming. We keep dying.”
A Road Turned Killing Field
The route from Kala-Balge to Gamboru Ngala was once a lifeline connecting remote villages with markets, hospitals, and family. Today, it’s a stretch of scorched asphalt and fear.
“I’ve changed my route three times in two weeks,” Goni said. “But no matter which way you go, the bombs are waiting.”
As the sun set over Furunduma on Monday, soldiers sifted through the debris. Local vigilantes watched silently, rifles slung over their shoulders. Survivors stood nearby, offering whispered prayers for the dead.
But their silence said more than words ever could: On this road, death is now routine, and no one knows who will be next.
ISWAP vs. Boko Haram: Battle for Control
While the attack on Monday may have been claimed by ISWAP, the relationship between the two groups is more complicated than it appears. Originally a single group under the leadership of Abubakar Shekau, Boko Haram split into factions in 2016. ISWAP emerged as the more organized, disciplined faction, pledging allegiance to the Islamic State and establishing a foothold in the Lake Chad region. Meanwhile, Shekau’s Boko Haram remained entrenched in Borno’s more remote areas.
The two groups have been locked in a fierce competition for resources, territory, and recruits ever since. ISWAP, with its access to international funding and sophisticated tactics, is increasingly encroaching on what was once Boko Haram’s territory, particularly in areas around Lake Chad and northern Borno. But Boko Haram remains resilient, with remnants of Shekau’s faction continuing to operate in the region, sources tell TruthNigeria.
In Nigeria, the rise of these two factions poses a direct threat to national security, with both groups expanding into neighboring countries and building cross-border alliances.
Segun Onibiyo reports on terrorism and conflict for TruthNigeria.
